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Pattanam Rekaikal © Abul Kalam Azad 2012 | Digital Archival Prints | EtP Photo Archive

MuchiRi (MusiRi)

In ancient Tamil texts and Tamil tradition

By Dr. V. Selvakumar

IN the Early Historic (Sangam Age) Tamil country (comprising modern Tamil Nadu and Kerala), numerous developments, including the composition of Tamil texts and the emergence of port towns along the coast1 . The Early Historic period is placed between third century BCE and third century CE. MuchiRi or MusiRi was an Early Historic port town on the Kerala coast of India, and the town was under the control of the Chera vEntars (a political power)2 . The town, which was associated with the Indo-Roman or Indian Ocean Trade, was known as Muziris to the Westerners (YavanAs). The town is described elaborately in the Sangam Tamil3 and medieval texts, as well as the Greco-Roman sources4. Interest on MuchiRi and the role of Kerala in the Indo-Roman trade has increased very recently, due to the archaeological discoveries at the site of Pattanam5. There have been debates on the exact location of ancient MuchiRi for more than a century. Modern Kodungallore (Cranganore), located on the northern bank of the river Periyar in Thrissur district of Kerala, is considered by researchers to be the possible location of ancient MuchiRi. After the discoveries at Pattanam, it was hypothesized that Pattanam could be ancient MuchiRi6. In this article, I discuss the references to MuchiRi in the Sangam texts, and Tamil-Brahmi inscription at Muttupatti, and the context of the places with the name “MuchiRi” in Tamil Nadu.

MuchiRi in Sangam Tamil Texts
Although several references exist in the Sangam Tamil texts, here I look into the references to MuchiRi found in two Sangam poems: akanAnURu 1497 and puRanAnuRu 343 8 as these two poems are the most important among the Tamil poems referring to MuchiRi. The akanAnURu poem 149 was composed by erukkAttUr tAyankannanAr. The central idea of the poem is that the hero was more bothered about her lover and the love life, rather than earning material wealth. The poem, at first, describes the risky highway (trade route) in the dry (Paalai landscape) region through which a person has to travel, to easily earn the otherwise rare wealth. The pathway of the dry region is infested with bears that destroy the termite mounds, to fulfil their appetite, and then the bears also eat certain wild flowers. The hero implies that even if he would earn a lot of wealth easily, he would not go, leaving his lady love alone. These lines are very important, since they talk about the new economy (long distance trade and exchange), and the mindset of certain people of the Early Historic period. Those who want to earn easy wealth had to move away from the primary production context of agriculture and animal husbandry, where one was embedded onto the landscape with her/his family and clan. In the new economy, one had to trespass the dry, wild and hilly paths to make easy wealth, leaving the family and comfort of the native context. Hero leaving the heroine forms the ubiquitous theme of the Sangam poems. This implies that one had to relocate and travel leaving her/his kith and kin and it might have led to dissatisfaction in the personal relationships. Perhaps, it was a social issue that the poets wanted to highlight and produce a discourse on this issue.

The flags of Cera, Cola and Pantyan dynasties

The next part of the poem mentions about the Pandiya king’s victory over the Chera at MuchiRi. Before mentioning the victory, the poet talks about the attributes and importance of MuchiRi. This is where we find the famous, oft quoted part of the poem “Yavanar Tanta….”

“Cheralar
“ChuLLiam PEriyARRu veNNurai kalanga
Yavanar tanta viNai mAn nan kalam
ponnodu vantu kaRiyodu peyarum vaLamkezhu MuchiRi” 
– akanAnUru 149

The town of MuchiRi and the neighbouring region was under the control of the Cheras, and this is clearly expressed by the word “Cheralar.” From other accounts too, we come to know that the area was controlled by the Cheras 9. The Chera control over the region is proved by the numerous copper and lead coins that have come from the Pattanam excavations10. These coins clearly portray an elephant on one side and the Chera’s emblem of bow and arrow on the other, along with several sacred symbols. These coins might not have played a major role in the economy, as barter and other modes of exchange were dominant in this period. The coins had symbolic value, and the tradition of issuing coins, perhaps, was partly influenced by the arrival Roman coins. The issue of coins was one method of asserting the political power of the Cheras. The Chera “kings” or chiefs did control MuchiRi and the surrounding territories. Therefore, we cannot argue that these towns were independent merchant towns without any political authority. However, on the other hand, we cannot go to the extent to argue that there existed states in Tamil region, comparable to the Mauryan state.

Casson mentions about the existence of foreign colonies at Muziris and Nelkynda, unlike Barygaza 11. Interestingly, the import of luxury goods at Muziris and Nelkynda was less compared to Barygaza 12. According to Casson, Barygaza seems to be a more sophisticated place in terms of its luxury goods 13 than Muziris and Nelkynda. Raschke is of the view that the Northern India was more developed than the southern part. In the following lines Casson 14 critiques Raschke’s views (1978).

“But nothing like the exaggerated difference that Raschke thinks he perceives, a difference between a “poorer, less socially and economically developed south” (671) and a North whose areas “with their wealth and high level of culture provided excellent markets for imported Roman manufactures items, particularly luxury goods (632).”
Casson (1989, note 11.)

The cities of North India were more populous in the Early Historic period and their size and dimensions were much larger compared to the towns of the south 15. The nature of the settlements and ideologies in these regions were different. The simple way of life of the Tamil region is very well depicted in the Sangam texts. The social complexities and diversities that led to the formation of early states, and ideologies such as Buddhism and Jainism in Northern India did not prevail in South India. Northern part of India was more exposed to external contacts, migrations and influence, in the pre-Medieval period, than South India, which is protected by the seas. The Ganga-Yamuna plains with its rich resources could create a natural backdrop for the major states, a large population, complex ideologies and large cities. In contrast, South India only had smaller pockets of deltas and resource rich regions. Obviously, the Early Historic kings/chiefs were fighting over the territories as revealed by the references in the Sangam Tamil texts. But there is no evidence for their hostilities with the YavanAs. However, the control of the chief was confined to some pockets, probably, to the certain limited stretches of trade routes, and the key towns. The kings were not powerful enough and there was no system in place to control the trade routes and the merchants all along, and hence the merchants employed their own guards. But, definitely the Cheras, Chozhas and Pandiyas were powers of some worth controlling the towns, and some parts of the country.

Top Row: Chola copper and gold coins belonging to different period | Bottom Row: 1. Excavated Roman gold coin, 2 & 3. Excavated copper coins of Chera | All coins dated to be from Sangam Period (3rd century BCE to 3rd century CE)

Initially, these chiefs must have allowed the emergence of trade to develop in their territories without much economic interest. The introduction of new materials and ideas might have arrived due to the movement of traders 16. In the beginning, the merchants of these towns might have offered a portion of their traded wealth as tax or contribution or gift to the king. And later, when the kings understood the quantum of wealth that was involved in the exchange activities, they might have demanded a larger share, and could have established their own monitoring system.

The ships of the YavanAs came through the “ChuLLiam PEriyaRu” (the Periyar river) disturbing the white foam. This could mean that the name of the river was ChuLLi alias Periyaru (Periyar). The name of the river Periyar still survives. The meaning of ChuLLi is not clear and it could have also referred to another river that joined here. The white foam on the river was churned by the ships of the YavanAs. Not that the foam was generated by the ships. White foam is common in the flood waters of the river, during the rainy season, brought by the fresh rains of the Southwest Monsoon. This means that the rainy season was active, when the ships visited the town. If the monsoon starts in the last week of May, considering that the distance for the travel from Red Sea to Muziris was 40 days, according to Pliny, the ships must have arrived at MuchiRi in early August, every year 17.

The above information that the Roman ships came on the river Periyar contradicts with what is found in the PuRanAnURu poem 343, discussed below, and also with the Periplus, which says MuchiRi was situated a little interior, away from the sea. We do not know if the poet had firsthand knowledge of the happenings and directly saw the Roman ships in this context. The poet appears to belong to the Pandiya country and he might not have known the landscape accurately or it is an exaggerated account or at one point of time Roman ships did come very near to the mouth of the river Periyar.

“Yavanar tanta” means “produced by the YavanAs”18. Yavanar or YavanA is the term used in India to refer to the Westerners. The term derives from “Ionia,” a region in Greek country. Ionia, become YonA and YavanA. The Tamil Lexicon mentions that Ionia was, one of the 56 desams (countries or regions) of the ancient Indian tradition and Yavanar denoted, the people from Ionia, Greece, Bactria and also Arabia in the later context 19. In the Asokan Rock Edicts V and XIII “YonA rAja” refers to the Greek king Antiochus (“Amtiyoko nama YonA-raja”). 20

The Vienna papyrus, a document written in Greek, also talks about the contract signed in the town of MuchiRi between tow merchants and points to the presence of foreign merchants 21. Hence YavanA presence at the Early Historic port settlements is certain. “Yavanar Tanta” clearly reveals that the ships that came to MuchiRi were produced by the Westerners, as also evidenced in the Greco-Roman sources. The type of ship depicted as a graffito on a pot sherd found at Azhagankulam (Alagankulam) near the mouth of the river Vaigai in Tamil Nadu is considered to be similar to those used in the Mediterranean 22. Casson, who examined the graffito, compares it with the Mediterranean ships of 1st to 3rd century CE “Three master Roman Sailing ship the largest kind of Greco-Roman merchant man used along the long and demanding voyage between Egypt and India” 23.

Pattanam Excavation
Pattanam Excavation
Pattanam Excavation
MuchiRi Pattanam Excavation
Pattanam Excavation
Pattanam Rekaikal (MuchiRi Excavation site in Pattanam, Kerala) © Abul Kalam Azad 1975-2016 | Digital Archival Prints | EtP Photo Archive

NavAi was an ancient Indian ship that was used for navigation on the ocean (nAv in Sanskrit). References to this type of craft are found in the Tamil literature 24. It is not clear if this type of ship was used in the Indo-Roman trade. If Indian merchants organised and operated ships that involved in the Roman trade is a matter to be researched. The probability exists, as there are indirect references to ship owners in the Sangam and later texts 25. The term Sonakam also refers to the Western countries and Sonakan refers to the Westerners 26, more particularly the people from West Asia, and this term is found in the inscriptions of the medieval South India 27. YonA or YavanA might have become Sonakan in the later period. The adjective “viNai mAn” means “well crafted.” The attributes and components of the large sea-going vessels of the YavanAs must have impressed the poet. Hence, the poet has described the ship as ‘well crafted.’ The poet may have seen the simple backwater vessels (dugout canoes) and hence, he probably compared them with the large YavanA/Roman ships and called them “well crafted.” Here the poet describes the use or benefit of the vessel. He calls it a “good vessel” (nankalam) in a positive expression. Since the ship gave wealth to the country, it was described “nankalam.” If the poet described the ships of the pirates or enemies, he would describe it as “kodunkalam” (bad vessel). The poet has been very careful in choosing the words.

‘Ponnodu vantu’ means that the ship came with gold. The term ‘pon’ was also used to refer to all kinds of metal and iron in the Early Historic period. In this context, it refers to gold and also probably, silver and bronze coins that came, due to the Roman trade activities. This expression would also mean that gold was the most important and valuable commodity that was traded. Roman coins have been found extensively in South India 28.

The YavanA ships returned with pepper, which was the main commodity exported from MuchiRi, as we know from other descriptions 29. KaRi was in great demand in the Western world 30. ‘VaLam’ means wealth or resource, and the town of MuchiRi was very wealthy. The idea of rich, wealthy MuchiRi is often repeated by the poets. In many of the poems, MuchiRi was labelled as a symbol of wealth. “Arpu ezha” means that there was so much noise around MuchiRi when the Pandiya king invaded MuchiRi. “Arpu” means to roar or to resound 31. ‘Valaiyi’ means to surround 32 and ‘chamam’ is equated with “chamar” which means battle 33 ‘arunchamam’ is interpreted as a very tough battle. The Pandiya was surrounded in a tough battle, but he overwhelmed the enemy.

Padimam means an image. What was that Padimam? It is not clear. Was it the statue of a king? Obviously, there was wealth and the town was attacked by the Pandiya. This proves that MuchiRi was a seat of power of the Cheras and the Pandiyas wanted to invade the town. The reason for this attack could be to disrupt the activities and to take away the wealth of the town. The town must have acted as a competitor to the interest of the Pandiyan port, which was further down south at Nelkynda. The Padimam could be of gold and hence it was taken away. Could it have been the Augustus’ or royal image? Similar image has been found at the site of Berenike. These words describe that the Pandiya was fond of battle and he had tall, good elephants. This would also indicate that the kings maintained elephants for invading the enemy.

The rest of the poem mentions that the Pandiyan town was Madurai and west of the town was a tall hill and it had a temple of nediyon, which means god Thirumaal (Vishnu) and in this context, the term “nediyon” is interpreted as Murugan and the hill is identified with Thirupparangundram. In the town, several festivals were held. In that place was a pond which had flowers and bees. The blue flowers in the pond resembled the eyes of the hero’s lover. “I am coming to wipe the tears in the eyes of my lover which resembled those flowers” says the hero. The poet could have simply said that the hero would wipe the tear of his lover. But, here he talks about MuchiRi, the fame of Pandiya and then his capital and the town and hill and finally the eyes of his lover. Apart from the hero, MuchiRi and the Pandiya king are portrayed as heroes in the poem: MuchiRi for the material wealth, the Pandiya king for the valour and victory in the battle and the real hero for his love. Apart from the social issue of separation of lovers or families, the poets also wanted to praise the king and earn their bread and butter–their own economic issue. Hence, such poems generally focus on the achievements of kings along with certain social issues.

Photographs in Anandarup Goswami’s family album

The PuRanAnURu poem 343 was written by Paranar. This poem reflects certain peculiarities of the old Malayalam. The expression “cerkuntu” indicates that it reflects typical (nasal aspect) of Malayalam words and the poet could have belonged to Kerala region.

meen noduttu nel kuvaiyi misaiyambiyin

Fish was exchanged for paddy by the fisherfolk and paddy was kept as heaps on the boats called ambi. They boats with heaped paddy appeared like the houses on the shore. The houses stored with pepper bags would resemble the ships on the shore. Noduttal refers to the process of exchange of goods. But the term is translated as “to sell, price and sale” in the Madras University Tamil Lexicon 34. In Tamil, ‘kodu’ means to give and ‘nodu’ probably meant receiving, but by giving some objects as part of value based exchange. The term “nottutal” in Tamil is used in negative sense and “nottankai,” in colloquial form, refers to left hand. Probably, kodu and nodu are opposite actions, while koduttal was done with the right hand and noduttal was perhaps done with left hand, although now in the traditional context giving or receiving with left hand is considered a very bad manner. Probably ‘noduttal’ referred to give and take activity done simultaneously and it referred to exchange of goods.

The golden prize (material wealth) brought by the ships was carried to the shore by the small backwater boats called “kazhittoni.” This line suggests that Roman ships did not come to MuchiRi directly, and they were stationed a little away and the smaller boats that plied on the backwater bodies carried the gold that was brought by the Roman ships. This is an interesting reference that matches the description of the Periplus. Toni is mentioned as a type of boat in the Tamil Lexicon 35. Interestingly, the dugout canoe excavated at Pattanam in 2007 by the Kerala Council for Historical Research could be described as a Kazhittoni 36.

It is an interesting term that means that the gold coins were gifts. Parisam is considered to have derived from Sanskrit word “sparisam” and interpreted as bride prize and value in Tamil Lexicon 37 and Parisu means gift in Tamil 38. Only certain items were considered worth to be gifted and gold was one of them. Hence, probably gold was referred to here as ‘parisam.’ The wealth from the hills as well as from (through) the sea, was freely donated to the visitors by the Chera king Kuttuvan. Perhaps, he was acting as an agent of redistribution 39.

‘Polan’ means gold 40 and it also refers to jewel. Polanthar Kuttuvan means that the king was wearing gold ornaments, probably, the Roman Gold coins. Who was this Kuttuvan? Was he same as Cheran Chenguttuvan? It is not clear. Why does this poet mention about Kuttuvan, while the other poet of akam 149 refers only to the Chera? Evidence for gold and gold working has been found at the site of Pattanam. The town had the sea adjacent to it and the sea was making noise like a drum (muzhavu). “nalanchaal vizhupporuL” means good wealth. MuchiRi had a lot of wealth that benefited people.

“Even if you give that wealth (like those with MuchiRi) with great respect and reverence, I will not marry someone, who is not Puraiyan” says the heroine. The person who wanted to marry, perhaps a king, was not a “Puraiyan.” Puraiyan was a clan of ancient Chera country. “Poraiyan” is a title of the Chera kings. This reveals the clannish nature of the lady. Her father also had the same view. Because of this attitude, there was a chance for a battle and hence, the fate of the town is pitiable, says the poet. The main idea here is that even if the wealth was offered, it was not important, but the clan was.

Both the poems point to a kind of contempt for the new means of earning wealth that attracted many sections of the society in the Early Historic period. The poems underline the thought of some of the individuals who respected humane relationships and values more than the material wealth. Such kinds of thoughts and opposition develop in a context, when the new economy brings new means of earning easy wealth. A section of the Tamil society was conservative and was not willing to give respect to wealth, when compared to love and their clan affiliation.

MuchiRi in Tamil Brahmi Inscription
Muttupatti is located 10 km west of Madurai on the road leading to Kottayam, via Usilampatti, Teni, Kambam and Kumili, and also to via Bodinaickanur. This site is located close to beautiful granite hillocks that have been destroyed by granite quarrying. This site has evidence of rock paintings, microliths, and black- and- red ware pottery. The most important evidence at this site is the Brahmi inscriptions on the shelters that had rock beds carved for the Jain monks by the devotees 41.

One of the inscriptions refers to “nAkapErUr ataiy MuCiRi kodan iLamakan”. The name of the individual was muCiRiKOdan Ilamakan who was the “anTai” of nAgapErur is the interpretation of Iravatham Mahadevan 42. The inscription mentions about Mucirikkodan Ilamakan who donated a rock bed for a Jain monk. nAkapErur is identified with Nagamalaipudukottai, a small village located about 10 km west of Madurai 43. Mucirikkodu is identified with the Chera port MuchiRi 44. This site lies on the trade route that linked MuchiRi via Teni, Madurai and Azhagankulam on the east coast. The name Muyirikkodu is mentioned in the Cochin copper plate inscription of Bhaskara Ravivarman 45. ILamakan is identified as warrior attendant 46 or “Ilamakan” could be part of his name, while “Muyirikkodan” indicates his native place. Mahadevan dates this inscription to 1st century BCE. This inscription suggests that merchants were travelling to far away location and sometimes even settled there.

MuchiRi in Kerala and MusiRi near Trichy
A few settlements with the name MuchiRi are found in Tamil Nadu 47. MusiRi near Thiruchirappalli (Trichy) is located near to the island of Sri Rangam. According to an inscription, the ancient name of MusiRi was “MusuRi alias Mummudichchozhappettai”48. The landscape context here is very similar to what is found around Kodungallore in Kerala. Perhaps the “Mu” in MuchiRi refers to three in Malayalam as well as Tamil. The places where one river is bifurcated into two rivers could have been referred and the junction of two rivers could have been referred to MuchiRi. Another possibility could the three stretches of lands meeting at one point could have also been called “MuChiRi.” Near Muchiri the territories of the Chola, the Pandiya and the Chera meet and hence the settlement could have acquired the name MuchiRi.

In both the Sangam poems (akanAnURu 149 and puRanAnURu 343), the wealth of MuchiRi is the most noteworthy feature. It was a rich town and as a result, it had a high value among the people. Therefore, it is small wonder that the Pandiya invaded the town. The value of love life and attachment with clan were given importance over the wealth of MuchiRi, respectively, by the hero of the akanAnURu poem 149 and the heroine of the puranAnURu poem 343.
The Tamil Brahmi inscription from Muttupatti near Madurai mentions about the person from Muyirikkodu, who was at the village of NAgappErur and made a donation to the Jain monk. Recently, a Tamil Brahmi inscription reading amaNa was found at the site of Pattanam 49. The term amaN is identified with the Jains. Some of the merchants who were involved in the Early Historic trade had Jain affiliation. Numerous inscriptions are found on the rock shelters (in Tamil Nadu) where Jain monks lived 50.

The landscape around Kodungallore is similar to what is found at MusiRi near Trichy in Tamil Nadu. MuchiRi could have referred to the landscape context where a river joins another river or a river distributes into two forming three arms and also three blocks of land meeting together. Therefore, the name of MuchiRi might have derived due to the landscape context of Kodungallur near the mouth of the Periyar. Was MuchiRi located near Kodungallore, north of the river Periyar? Or was it near Pattanam, situated close to Paravur, south of the river Periyar? It is unclear. However, these two sites are located within a distance of 10 km, and therefore the entire region should be taken as the location of MuchiRi. The site of Pattanam could be seen as part of the larger settlement of MuchiRi. It is pointless to argue, if MuchiRi was actually located at Pattanam or near Kodungallore, What is important is to understand the settlement patterns in the region and the activities within the various settlements.

________

References:[1] Champakalakshmi 1999, Gurukkal and Varier 1999, Gurukkal, 2002, 2009, Rajan 2008, Tomber 2008 [2] Gurukkal 1989[3] Zevelebil 1974 [4] The Periplus, Pliny and Ptolemy, Gurukkal and Whittaker 2001, Casson 1989 [5] Shajan et al. 2004, Selvakumar et al. 2005, and Cherian et al. 2007a, 2007b, Cherian 2011, Gurukkal 2013 [6] Shajan et al. 2004 [7] Manikkanar 1999a, Vol. 10, 123-126 [8] Manikkanar 1999c, Vol.13, 236-237 [9] PME 54, 17:29, Casson 1989: 23, Schoff 1912 [10] Selvakumar et al. 2005; Cherian et al. 2007a, 2007b, 2011 [11] Casson 1989: 24 [12] Casson 1989: 24 [13] Casson 1989: 22 [14] Casson 1989, note 11 [15] Allchin 1995 and Chakrabarti 1995 [16] Subbarayalu 2008 [17] McLaughlin 2010: 48 [18] Westerners, Zvelebil 1956 [19] TLMU Vol. 6, p. 3395 [20] Charpentier 1931 [21] Casson 1986, 1990; Sidebotham 1991 [22] Nagasamy 1991; Casson 1997; Sridhar et al. 2005, Selvakumar 2011 [23] Casson 1997 as cited in Mahadevan 2003: 155-156 [24] Athiyaman 2011 [25] “VaLiyiru munIr NAvAyOtti” reference to the Chola king Karikalan (puRanAnURu Manikkanar 1999b, Vol. 12(1): 153), MAcaattuvan (Subrahmanian 1966: 667; Monius 2001) and MAnAigan (Subrahmanian 1966: 671) of Chilappathikaram, who was a mAnAigan [26] TLMU 1982 vol.3, 1679 [27] GTI 2002: 271, inscription of 1014 CE [28] Gupta 1965, Turner 1989 [29] Casson 1989 [30] See, Periplus, 56, 18:22, Casson 1989: 81). It was known as ‘Yavanappriyam’ (TLMU Vol. 6, p. 3395) [31] TLMU vol.1, p.240 [32] TLMU, Vol6, p.3555 [33] TLMU, Vol.3, p.1291 [34] TLMU 1982, Vol.6, p. 2366 [35] TLMU vo. 4, p. 2109 [36] Cherian et al. 2007 [37] TLMU, Vol. 4, p. 2511 [38] TLMU 1982, vol. 4. P.2512 [39] See, Gurukkal 2009 [40] Tamil Lexicon, vol. 6, 2938 [41] Mahadevan 2003 [42] Mahadevan 2003: 395 [43] Mahadevan 2003: 395 [44] Mahadevan 2003: 586 [45] Epigraphia India III, pp. 66-69 / (p.588-7) [46] Epigraphia India III, pp. 66-69 / (p.588-7) [47] MusiRi (Trichy, Tamil Nadu); MusiRi (Pattukottai, Thanjavur, Tamil Nadu); Pattanam (Ernakumam, Kerala); Kodungallore (Thrissur, Kerala) [48] Chola inscription, ARE No.70 of 1890[49] The Hindu, Chennai, March 14, 2011, Tamil-Brahmi script found at Pattanam in Kerala [50] Mahadevan 2003

Dr V Selvakumar

Dr. V. Selvakumar is a faculty member in the Department of Maritime History and Marine Archaeology, Tamil University, Thanjavur. He completed his doctoral research and post-Doctoral research from Deccan College, Pune. He was a faculty member at the Centre for Heritage Studies, Tripunithura, Kerala from 2003 to 2007, and the Department of Epigraphy and Archaeology of Tamil University, Thanjavur, from 2007 to 2017. He was a Nehru Trust for the Indian Collections at the Victoria and Albert Museum (NTICVAM) Visiting Researcher at the Centre for Maritime Archaeology, Southampton University in 2004. With an NTICVAM UK Visiting Fellowship in 2018, he was trained in Ceramic Studies at UCL and the British Museum. His research interests include the archaeology of India, prehistory, maritime history and archaeology, archaeological theory, heritage management, history of science and technology, ceramic studies, Indian Ocean Cultural interactions, and ecocriticism.

Published on January 13, 2017

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